Mr. Fain undoubtedly knows full well that there is a complete disconnect between the UAW hierarchy and the UAW rank-and-file on the Biden presidency and whether workers will benefit from its extension for another four years.
Political pundits of every stripe have noted, and attempted to explain, a dramatic shift in recent years in the coalitions that back America’s two major political parties.
Biden judicial nominee Nicole Berner has a track record of mindlessly repeating union bosses’ anti-Right to Work diatribes and defending their schemes to profit at the expense of the disabled.
Fearing a well-heeled Big Labor PR campaign would scuttle Right to Work in Idaho, 1986 gubernatorial candidate David Leroy walked back from his opposition to forced unionism. Right to Work won anyway; Mr. Leroy didn’t.
Right to Work President Mark Mix Goes On Real America’s Voice with New Orleans radio host Jeff Crouer to Discuss Some of Big Labor’s Most Recent Power Grabs
The most recent data shows that employment in Right to Work states is now 1.36 million higher than in February 2020.
Even 31-year New York Times reporter and lifelong Big Labor apologist Steven Greenhouse (center) admits making Big Labor even more politically powerful is a key objective of Michigan’s Right to Work foes.
union officials likely spent over $12 billion on political activities during the 2019-2020 election cycle, far more than union officials publicly admit.
Union-label politicians who rely on forced-dues contributions to get elected often hide their stance on Right to Work. But why are GOP Senate nominees like Joe O’Dea (Colo., left) and Mehmet Oz (Pa.) concealing their positions?