UAW plans to spread its "principles" to all autoworkers
BMW plans to expand in the Right to Work state of South Carolina, so does the UAW UAW wrote a list of principles. While the list included the “right to join a join;”…
BMW plans to expand in the Right to Work state of South Carolina, so does the UAW UAW wrote a list of principles. While the list included the “right to join a join;”…
(Source: December 2010 NRTWC Newsletter) The Committee's federal survey program ensured that politicians like the supposedly "independent" U.S. Rep. Stephanie Herseth Sandlin (D-S.D.) were held accountable for their votes to expand Big Labor's forced-unionism privileges. Program Maximizes Right to Work Gains in 'Year of Opportunity' Thanks to National Right to Work Committee members' generous assistance, the Committee's federal-candidate Survey 2010 checked a massive Big Labor electioneering blitz and sharply increased support in Congress for repeal of federally-imposed forced union dues. To mobilize Right to Work supporters, the Committee distributed a record-smashing total of nearly 8.4 million federal candidate Survey "information packets" through the U.S. Postal Service this year. Above and beyond that, the 2010 program had a massive Internet component, including nearly half a million e-mails transmitted in October alone. All this plus radio, TV, and newspaper advertising. The packets, e-mails and ads let pro-Right to Work citizens know where their candidates stood on compulsory unionism. And most of the packets were mailed out during the during the last five weeks of the general election campaign to specifically targeted states and districts across the country. In a year in which voters were already extremely concerned about Big Labor encroachment of employee freedom and destruction of private-sector jobs, the fall program maximized Right to Work gains in both the U.S. House and the U.S. Senate. Pro-Right to Work Candidates Won in 76 of 106 Targeted Congressional Contests Compared to the House that will permanently disband after a December "lame duck" session, the House that convenes in January will have 55 more members identified, based on their campaign pledges and voting records, as 100% Right to Work supporters. In the Senate, where just 37 out of 100 seats were up for election this year, compared to 435 out of 435 House seats, Right to Work reaped a net gain of five seats.
Right to Work Makes Major Gains in State Legislative Contests (Source: December 2010 NRTWC Newsletter) It takes a lot to convince Iowa citizens to oust a sitting governor. Until this fall, the last time a Hawkeye State chief executive failed to get another term after seeking one was in 1962! But over the past four years, Big Labor Democrat Gov. Chet Culver wore out Iowans' considerable patience. On November 2, he was one of 13 incumbent governors on the ballot across America. Eleven of these incumbents won, but Mr. Culver lost by a hefty 53% to 43% margin. What had Chet Culver done to receive such a harsh rebuke from normally amiable Midwesterners? He tried to gut Iowa's popular Right to Work law -- and he was sneaky about it. After saying nothing about the Right to Work issue during his successful 2006 gubernatorial campaign, Mr. Culver announced, almost as soon as the votes were counted, his support for legislation imposing forced union dues and fees on Iowa workers as a condition of employment. Since Mr. Culver's fellow Democrats controlled substantial majorities in both chambers of the Iowa Legislature that greeted him upon his inauguration in early 2007, it seemed Big Labor's stealthy scheme to bring back forced unionism to the state six decades after it had been banned would succeed. For four years, Gov. Culver tried to help union bosses extract forced fees from workers who choose not to join. But freedom-loving Iowans first thwarted him legislatively and then defeated him at the polls. But the National Right to Work Committee and the Iowans for Right to Work Committee were already mobilizing resistance. Pro-Right to Work Iowan Stopped Forced-Union-Fee Schemes in 2007 and 2009 Even before the new Legislature convened in January 2007, the National Committee began sending out a series of statewide and targeted mailings to members and supporters in Iowa, with a focus on selected House and Senate members in vulnerable seats.
National Right to Work Committee President Mark Mix on Forbes’ Mallory Factor discussing the rift between private sector and public sector union members. The two covered numerous topics including NRTW actions in Congress and in the states. …
National Right to Work Committee President Mark Mix on Forbes’ Mallory Factor discussing the rift between private sector and public sector union members. The two covered numerous topics including NRTW actions in Congress and in the states. …
The December 2010 issue of The National Right to Work Committee Newsletter is available for download in an Adobe pdf format for your convenience to read and share. It is the Committee’s official newsletter publication that provides an excellent…
Mark Perry looks at the economic performance of Right to Work states in comparison to forced unionism states and provides further evidence that Right to Work states foster prosperity. In the economic downturn year of 2009, forced unionism states economic…
E. Roy Budd, writing in the Star Press makes a compelling case for Indiana enacting a Right to Work law. With Gov. Mitch Daniels mulling a run for the presidency, nothing would be more compelling to workers than if he…
(Source: November 2010 Forced-Unionism Abuses Exposed) Just a few months ago, millions of Americans were dismayed by reports, based on official U.S. Labor Department Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) data, that from 1999 through 2009 our country endured a “lost decade” in private-sector employment. In this context, the term “lost decade” refers to annual BLS statistics showing that in 2009 there were 107.95 million private-sector jobs nationwide, roughly 370,000 fewer than in 1999, when there were 108.32 million. Americans are right to be deeply concerned by such national data, but they can easily mislead us. Exactly half of the 50 states actually experienced a net gain in private-sector employment during the “lost decade,” and the five biggest absolute gainers, Arizona, Florida, Texas, Nevada, and Virginia, added a combined total of more than 1.6 million private-sector jobs. Meanwhile, California, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan and Ohio, the five states shedding the most private-sector jobs, lost a net total of more than 1.9 million. The five biggest job gainers have one common characteristic: They all have Right to Work laws on the books that prohibit the firing of employees for refusal to join or pay compulsory fees to an unwanted union. Not one of the five biggest job losers has such a law. Consequently, workers in these states are routinely forced into a union as a job condition. Aggregate private-sector employment in the 22 Right to Work states increased by 3.7% during the “lost decade,” even as it fell by 2.8% in the 28 forced-unionism states. The sharp disparity is no coincidence. Leading labor economists such as Dr. Richard Vedder of Ohio University have shown repeatedly that forced unionism hinders job creation.